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Jewish De-Assimilation in Polland: A Personal Perspective
Krajewski, Stanislaw
De-assimilation
I am continually being asked: “How many Jews are there in Poland? Frankly, I do not know. The very small number of affiliated Jews (3,000 to 5,000) is but a fraction of the total number. The total number of whom? The answer depends on how one defines a Jew. Does it include only children of Jewish mothers, or also of Jewish fathers? Only those who do not profess another religion, or also those who never did? Even with these clarifications it is still hard to estimate the number of those Jews who never reveal their origins. And their children? Those born after WW II are often not even aware of their Jewish ancestry. The total in all these categories is tens of thousands. While the estimate cannot be more specific one thing is clear: each year the number of affiliated Jews and Jews of whom we are aware is increasing. This is not due to immigration or a high birth rate but because Jews stop hiding.
Strictly speaking, the decision to stop hiding can be taken only by those who actually did hide during WW II. Concealing one’s identity at that time was a matter of life and death. Most of those who managed to do so left Poland after the war. However, others ayed and many continued to hide their Jewishness. They were joined by Jews who returned after having spent the war years in Russia. Some embraced communism and abandoned their Jewishness. While approximately a quarter million Jews emigrated, the number of survivors and returnees who remained in Poland is unknown. While many married to non-Jews raised completely de-judaized children, they still often passed on to them the fear and insecurity connected with Jewishness. Parents have transmitted to their children the feeling that Jewishness is irrelevant and obsolete and that anti-Semitism is the only real dimension of Jewish presence.
Only within the last 3 decades are some of these children and grandchildren of survivors exploring their roots. All were prompted by the shock of the 1968 official anti-Semitic campaign which resulted in 15,000 Jews emigrating, embittered and resentful. Those who remained were part of the subsequent stages of Polish life which gradually neutralized the shock of 1968. Some began pondering the meaning of Jewishness having come to understand that, contrary to the belief communist and/or assimilated Jews had had before the shock, Jewishness mattered. I was part of one of these earliest initiatives, a late 1970's underground study group jokingly called “Jewish Flying University”.
Now, in the new free Poland of the 1990's where it is easier to regain one’s lost Jewishness, the number of “newly judaized” Jews is growing. For this, formal Jewish education, organized primarily by the New York based Ronald S. Lauder Foundation, is essential and very helpful. The Lauder-Morasha Jewish elementary day school in Warsaw and a similar one just established by the Lauder foundation in Wroclaw are the first Jewish schools in Poland since 1968. While this has created a new standard of Jewish presence there is still a great need to assist those who by choice, inertia, fear or shame remain distant from Jewish institutions and especially formal Jewish education.
The future of Jewish communities in Poland depends on their successful evolution and their public image so that the “new Jews” can feel at home as members of Jewish organizations. While there is no intention to lower expectations for new and potential members, it is essential to take into account such background and educational details as their lack of Hebrew or nonfamiliarity with Jewish prayers. Organizations accept persons of Jewish origin even if they lack any Jewish religious commitment. The only required condition is that they do not belong to any other religious denomination. In the past year the Warsaw religious community admitted 70 new persons, mostly middle-aged professionals. Since 1997 some communities, as well as the Union of Jewish Religious Communities, have had new boards on which “new” and nontraditional Jews play important roles. While the services remain in the framework of Orthodox Judaism with only men playing active roles, women have been granted full equality in organizational life. This is difficult for some older and occasional young members to accept since the old constitution did not permit voting rights to women. Now women are on local community boards and, since November, 1998, Helena Datner has been president of the Warsaw Jewish community.
The reemerging Jewish community is deeply Polish. This is evident in language, culture and the Christian presence in our families. Polishness is our point of departure. It is no longer an aspiration or goal to be reached by assimilation as it was in previous generations. Polishness is a fact. Poland is not just our place of origin - as it is for hundreds of thousands of Jews worldwide. Our identity, it is about being Jewish and Polish at the same time, a choice which was made by our ancestors.
Historically we are in a new situation. Assimilation having reached its peak, a reverse process has begun in the past 25 years. This de-assimilation, especially apparent in the 1990's, implies re-appropriating Jewish traditions. It is essential that this can take place without abandoning our links to our non-Jewish friends and our rootedness in general Polish society. For people like myself who are fully Polish and also fully Jewish the Shoah has infinitely more personal significance than to our Polish peers. My parents, for example, have absolutely no family in Poland. Less automatic, but in my case not less essential, is the fact that Jewish religion is the center of my life. While my professional and political life is regulated by the general Christian calendar, I also live according to the Jewish calendar. Moreover, I feel a connection to Jews elsewhere and to Israelis, even when I have to confront them on issues like the value of Poland. To them Poland is primarily a cemetery for Jews. To me it is also a place of day-to-day life.
I see the regaining of Jewishness by some Poles of Jewish origin as an optimistic development in the new Poland. It is a process affected by direct assistance, the impact of culture, and the influence of the Church.
Direct Assistance: Jewish Hotlinesand Support Groups
The Jewish Forum is composed of Polish Jewish professionals, mostly in their forties, almost all of whom were raised with no Jewish education and some with no Jewish identity. Now we are all committed Jews and, since 1997, many of our members occupy positions in the Warsaw Jewish community. For most members of the Forum the acquisition of a Jewish identity was the result of a long process. Some were active in the above-mentioned “Jewish Flying University” where the first meetings resembled group therapy more than education. The exploration of Jewish roots and identity was a complex evolution involving both fascination and pain. It took me months to be able to say in a normal tone of voice, “I am Jewish.” In our effort to help others we have now established a Jewish confidential phone hotline accessible to all who wish to anonymously discuss problems related to their Jewish roots, be they problems of self-identity or problems with spouses, children, parents or colleagues. Information about Jewish institutions is also provided. For some callers this service is the first occasion to talk about their roots. The volunteers answering this hotline are prepared through intensive training seminars. Listed alongside other hotlines in some major newspapers the Jewish hotline has provoked sarcastic criticism. Since it is included with hotlines for gays, battered wives, or those infected with AIDS our critics ask: “Is Jewishness an illness?” Of course Jewishness is not an illness, but when it is a hidden and unexplored aspect of one’s personality it causes psychological problems similar to those suffered by homosexuals or people with AIDS. While our intention is to help achieve a clarity and lack of social tension around Jewishness and to make a Jewish hotline unnecessary, there will probably never be a time when all tensions have disappeared. This is due not only to the Polish heritage, but also to the fact that the Jewish presence is within predominantly Christian societies.
Those calling the hotline include the elderly who would like to participate in Jewish events, the middle-aged who are insecure about what to tell their children, and the young who suspect they may be of Jewish ancestry but who fear that their connection is too weak for significant involvement. We assure the latter that their situation is typical rather than exceptional in today’s Poland, and that some Jewish communities are happy to welcome such marginal Jews. We never attempt to impose Jewishness on anyone with Jewish roots. While we attempt to help callers come to terms with these roots, the decisions are up to them. We also propose support groups where, in a secure setting, people can express their fears, hopes, inhibitions and passions while receiving support from the realization that others understand their feelings. In the Fall of 1998 the group activities were expanded with the assistance of an American psychologist who has led support groups in New York for second generation Holocaust survivors. In Poland everyone is a survivor, either directly or as second or third generation. What varies is the degree to which one’s Jewishness was hidden and considered taboo. The process of overcoming the “heritage of hiding” is a long one. Many refuse to try to overcome it. Those who do try often require months or years before they are ready to directly confront their Jewish past or Jewish ancestry. The response to the hotline and the support groups indicates that deep needs of unaffiliated Jews are being met. I believe that their potential is far greater than what has been revealed up to now. While many individuals of Jewish origin are lost to the Jewish world, others will continue to return to Jewish life.
Impact of General Atmosphere and Culture
Assimilated Jews are deeply influenced by the general atmosphere surrounding things Jewish. It is more difficult to manifest one’s Jewishness if negative attitudes are prevalent; it is easier to come to terms with one’s Jewish ancestry if Jewish culture is considered a respectable component of mainstream culture. In today’s Poland both attitudes are present.
Virtually all Polish Jews believe that anti-Semitism is widespread and that sensitivity to Jewish concerns is low. Despite the presence of individuals and groups who are of good will, are open to Jewish experiences and are opposed to anti-Semitism, and in spite of the fact that there are efforts by most political and ecclesial leaders to be on good terms with Jews, there has been little visible change. In fact, in the past year the number of anti-Semitic incidents has increased. While extremist forms of anti-Semitism have always been present, with the 1998 Auschwitz crosses controversy extreme anti-Semitism has become more visible and the voices of its leaders are being quoted in the main stream media. Previously most tensions related to Jews concerned interpretations of history and symbols. The recent very concrete problem of restitution of property lost through WW II or communist confiscations has raised new emotions. While this post-war and post-communist problem concerns millions of Poles and even Catholic Church claims have met with protest, Jewish claims are widely met with particular suspicion. Restitution of former Jewish communal properties is key to the development of Jewish communities and to their increased independence from Western Jewish aid. Following the law passed in Spring 19971 which established a 5-year period for filing claims by Jewish communities and their Union, only a few cases have ended in a return of property or compensation. Though some representatives of the World Jewish Restitution Organization who claim to represent masses of Jews of Polish origin living outside of Poland have raised doubts about whether the small Polish Jewish communities are legitimate successors of Polish Jewry, we believe that we represent continuity. These new threats and expressions of anti-Semitism are strong forces which prevent assimilated Jews becoming part of formal Jewish organizations.
At the same time a positive interest in Jewish history and culture is also very much part of Polish reality. Much more than in previous decades Jewish history is being studied at universities, in schools and through museums.2 The new museum being planned in Warsaw is to become a center of general education and Jewish communal activities for both Jews and non-Jews. Scientific, neutral and respectable, it will hopefully be another point of attraction for assimilated Jews enabling them to fulfill their interest in Jewish history and culture without overtly displaying personal commitment. In 1989 the Polish-Israeli Friendship Society was a similar phenomenon at the time when political changes were beginning in Poland. From the outset this Polish organization’s membership included Poles of Jewish ancestry who did not want to participate in Jewish organizations but who were ready to do something of Jewish significance in the framework of a general, respectable organization. This illustrates the need to reshape existing Jewish organizations. To date most Poles of Jewish origin perceive religious communities as anachronistic or too traditionalist; younger Jews consider organizations such as the secular Cultural-social Association of Jews in Poland as unattractive due to their fervently committed communist past; new groups like the Union of Jewish Students are too small and institutions such as the Union of Jewish Combatants and the Association of Hidden Children of the Holocaust are for specific categories whose numbers are decreasing with time.
A most notable event attracting many assimilated Jews, though not intended specifically for them, is the annual international festival of Jewish culture organized in Krakow by Janusz Makuch. It includes top quality and some world famous art exhibitions, theater performances, movies, lectures, craft workshops, and especially concerts of cantors, orchestras, klezmer bands and singers. The festival has become an important part of Krakow and all of Poland, giving rise to an interesting controversy among Jews. Many foreign Jews react against a festival organized by non-Jews for non-Jews in a city which once included a thriving Jewish community. While there is indeed something sad about this, and while it would be preferable to have a living community active in cultural life, in the absence of a sizable Jewish community the festival is of value. It indicates that Jewish culture, or rather culture inspired by Jewish traditions and motives, is of interest. While not intending to replace Jewish life, it is making Jewish culture accessible to all interested Poles, Jewish and non-Jewish. While the advantage from the point of view of de-assimilation is obvious, the festival also serves to portray Jewish culture, not as folklore and part of the past, but as a respectable component of high culture. Increasing their sense of connection and pride, this is surely helping assimilated Jews choose to become more Jewish.
The Role of Christianity and Christian-Jewish Dialogue
While Polish Jews born after the war have received no Jewish education, virtually all Jews living in Polish society have been quite close to the Church. Going to weddings and other church events is part of Polish social life. Though the communists opposed every religion, in practice Christianity remained a major element of the environment while Jewish practice was being destroyed as unfit for the modern world - an effort in which Jewish communists participated. A 1968 emigrant, recalling how Jewish leaders had ridiculed his family’s Jewish observance, expressed his deep shock when, upon his arrival in Sweden, he saw for the first time distinguished citizens attending synagogue services.
Assimilated Polish Jews often became Catholics - some before the war through conviction or from calculation, others later in order to survive the war. Many Polish Jews born after the war became Catholics during a trend which was especially apparent in the 1980's when underground “Solidarity” was connected to the Church which provided spiritual and organizational support. For those in search of high ideals the Church which opposed the totalitarian regime was the primary choice. The role of the Church has now changed and Jews (by origin) are probably no longer converting to Catholicism. Still, many Jews remain in the Church and some are among the most devout practicing Catholics. In some cases, though probably very few, Jews have enthusiastically joined Catholic movements only to eventually leave the church when they encountered leaders preaching anti-Semitism. What appears to be more typical is the influence of the new Catholic teaching about Jews and Judaism which was initiated by Vatican Council II. Both “Catholic Jews” and “Jewish Jews” are becoming increasingly aware that official Catholic teaching implies respect for Jews - a positive change of attitude which I have encountered on several occasions while meeting with clerical students, many of whom are enthusiastic to learn about Judaism from an authoritative, practicing Jew.
“Jewish Jews” have difficulty understanding a side effect experienced by converted Jews who are learning this new Catholic teaching. Traditionally the Church had been mostly a source of trouble, conversion or persecution. Now some of the Jews who have converted to Catholicism with no Jewish knowledge or education are becoming interested in Judaism and are discovering Jewish tradition through their Christian education. The fact that some assimilated Jews are getting to know and like Judaism through the Church is a new historical phenomenon. This paradoxical de-assimilation process presents a challenge which has not yet been recognized let alone met by Jewish communities in Poland and elsewhere.
The activity of converted Jews has created a typical problem in Christian-Jewish dialogue in Poland. Some Catholic participants who are of Jewish origin feel that this makes them especially fit for the dialogue. What is more, some Church leaders think the same. However, Jews active in the dialogue strongly disagree. The problem remains even when the converted Jews have not the slightest intention of presenting their way as the norm. Meanwhile my experience in the Polish Council of Christians and Jews indicates that, despite the sensitivity of this issue, the abstract approach is not the only possibility. One friend who is deeply and formally involved in the dialogue has become for me not a member of the “baptized Jews” category but a unique valuable individual who is contributing a lot through his personal insights.
Clearly, Christian-Jewish dialogue is not for those in search of their religious identity. While openness to and the deepest respect for “the other” is necessary, dialogue participants must be stable in their religious approach and have an unquestioned bond with their own community. Only then will the dialogue be beneficial. Through the dialogue I have become a more devout Jew and others, too, have deepened their Jewish commitment. When Christian-Jewish dialogue makes Christians better Christians and Jews better Jews it is a successful dialogue and also assists the process of Jewish de-assimilation.
* Dr. Stanislaw Krajewski is a Board member of the Union of Jewish Religious Communities of Poland, Chairman of the Jewish Forum of Poland, Co-chairman of the Polish Council of Christians and Jews, and Polish consultant to the American Jewish Committee.
1 The Spring 1997 law applies to the Jewish religious communities of which there are nine. It applies to communal, not private, property providing it is still in the hands of the government and not of a third party. In each case a special procedure determines the fate of real estate.
2 A major modern narrative museum is being planned for Warsaw. International committees, formed with the participation of such top level personalities as German President Roman Herzog, are working in support of this museum which is to be located in front of the Warsaw ghetto monument.
